CARES of NY, Inc. Blog

Racial Justice & Homelessness

Summary

Since the call to action in the Summer of 2020, CARES has committed financial and staff resources to implement racial justice and equity initiatives for the agency and the communities we serve. Through its Regional Racial Justice Advisory Committee, CARES is working with eleven Continuums of Care throughout New York State to establish racial justice practices and systemic changes that ensure equitable housing outcomes for all.

Ballroom Scene: How a Subculture changed the LGBTQ+ Communities for Blacks and Latinos

June 2023 Post

Written by Chris Grullon

The evolution of the Ballroom scene since the 1920s has been pivotal for LGBTQ+ Black and Latino individuals. A space once tailored to the performance of white men in drag, to the fierce and liberating takeover of LGBTQ+ Black and Latino folks. We will be discussing the history of the Ballroom Culture and how this culture aided LGBTQ+ homeless individuals by allowing them to excel in life while being supported and housed.
The ballroom is a subculture division of the LGBTQ+ community, established in the early 20th century to combat the discrimination against LGBTQ+ individuals. Mainly established as a pageant for drag queens to “walk the runway” (or perform) against one another to claim a trophy in a ball or a competition. In the 1920s – Black and Latino drag queens were expected to lighten their skins to perform. It was not until the late ’70s and early ’80s that Black’s and Latinos became predominantly represented, giving them full autonomy on how to freely experience themselves as they saw fit. Ballroom contestants represented within teams are also called “Houses”. Houses consist of the house mother and\or father and the children of the house. Most of the house mothers and fathers were part of the LGBTQ+ communities and created their houses to combat the ongoing discrimination against LGBTQ+ individuals, support youths experiencing homelessness, create a safe space for transgenders, and combat HIV. In the documentary “Paris is Burning” – we meet Angie Xtravaganza, co-founder and house mother of the House of Xtravaganza in the ’80s. House of Xtravaganza was the first Latino house established within the ballroom scene. Angie discusses the importance of being a role model to young transgender youth as she was a woman of trans experience herself. In parts, the ballroom scene became a “formidable social movement and creative collective for LGBT people of color” according to TIME Magazine.

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During a time where Black and Latino gay, lesbian, transgender, and gender-nonconforming individuals were facing violence, prejudice, housing insecurities, and a high rate of HIV infections there were not any safe spaces. The ballroom scene gave a sense of security and provided a safe haven to those individuals. Many LGBTQ+ youth were being ostracized not only by society but by their biological families. In 2017, Teen Vogue conducted a study in an effort of educating the nation on the extent of youth homelessness, interviewed 26,161, and found LGBTQ+ Black and Latino youth are at 120% higher risk of reporting homelessness.  The houses represented within the ballroom subculture aided those youth who were experiencing discrimination due to their sexual orientation or gender expression to find a home and role models. I believe the rates of homeless youth within the LGBTQ+ communities in the ’80s and even today would be much higher if we did not have a subculture such as the ballroom community. Due to this impact, it has since become a predominantly minority space since the ’80s. In “Paris is Burning” House Mother Pepper LaBeija discusses the importance of being a house mother and the responsibilities these roles come with, such as being the provider for the house children- providing them with a roof, a meal, and mentorship.

Being openly a part of the LGBTQ+ community came with the chance of being kicked out of your biological family home for many Black and Latino individuals. Houses within the ballroom scene gave these youth not only a home but a meal, a mentor, and a family to call their own. House mothers and fathers played the role of traditional gender norm-based home ensuring their kids received a proper education, and a job, and had a roof over their heads and clothing as well. The ballroom allowed LGBTQ+ individuals to experience a bit of “Hollywood” in the scene of the importance and local fame it bought by being a part of a house. As mainstream media did not have any representation of the LGBTQ+ communities- the show “Pose” which debuted in 2018 showcases the importance of the house mother as Mother Blanca meets a youth in the park by the name of Damon, who has been homeless, sleeping in Central Park after being kicked out of his home for coming out as gay. Mother Blanca houses Damon and informs him that he must either enroll in school or obtain employment, which eventually assists Damon with obtaining an audition for the dance school of his dreams. Mother Blanca showcased the definition of a house mother by providing Damon with a safe space to fully express himself without being ostracized.

 From the start of the ballroom scene in the 1920s to a hundred years later – the scene continues to be a safe haven for the LGBTQ+ community. Starting in New York City and eventually becoming a global wide scene with the help of world-renowned choreographer William Roscoe Leake better known as Willi Ninja and eventually Madonna with her hit single “Vogue”. Documentaries “Paris is Burning” and “KiKi” and shows such as “Pose” and “Legendary” continue to embrace and educate the world on the importance and stability that the “Ballroom Scene” has created. It went from being an underground subculture to a maintained subculture while aiding the LGBTQ+ community as a whole – protesting and giving a voice to those who have been ostracized, being discriminated against due to their sexual orientation or gender expression. Also rising their voices against HIV during a time when the world remained silent about the pandemic that was running wild within the LGBTQ communities. To the brothers and sisters of the ballroom scene, you are seen, you are important, and thank you for all these years of advocating and fighting against the discrimination and social issues faced within the LGBTQ+ communities.

Our Contributors

Allyson Ryan
VISTA Fellow

Allyson Ryan

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Ally works as a Program Funding Specialist on CARES’ Grants and Contracts team. Prior to working with Grants and Contracts, Ally served as CARES’ AmeriCorps VISTA in support of the Regional Racial Justice Advisory Committee. During her tenure as an AmeriCorps VISTA, Ally supported the development of the RRJAC through research, building relationships, and starting the Racial Justice & Homelessness blog. Prior to working at CARES, Ally earned her B.A. in History and Political Science from Fordham University. Currently, she is working towards her M.S. in Urban Policy and Leadership from Hunter College.

Liam Nugent
VISTA Fellow

Liam Nugent

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Liam is currently an AmeriCorps VISTA, spending his service term with CARES of N.Y. in support of the Regional Racial Justice Advisory Committee. Prior to joining AmeriCorps, he earned his B.A. in Political Science from Roger Williams University in Bristol, Rhode Island. As an undergraduate, Liam gained his first nonprofit experience by interning with the Council for Court Excellence. He will be attending UAlbany’s Rockefeller School of Public Affairs and Policy in the fall to earn his master’s degree in public policy. Once his AmeriCorps service term ends in July, Liam will remain in his role at CARES part-time as he earns his Masters.  

Marketa Edwards
CARES Staff

Marketa Edwards

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Marketa Edwards is a mother, grandmother, community organizer and harm reductionist dedicated to Black Liberation. Knowing first-hand how difficult it can be to address the issues so many in her community face every day, she is prepared to meet those challenges directly with passion fighting for social justice and equality. She is also a skilled chef who is passionate about food justice. Marketa is always looking for ways to build strong communities one healthy meal at a time. Experiencing chronic homelessness and poverty herself, she has been particularly vocal about ways to build power among vulnerable populations, working to support the many women and families who share her struggles. Marketa has done extensive work across New York State organizing and advocating for new legislation, such as Bail Reform, Less Is More NY, Cleanslate NY, and Close Rikers to name a few. Building on that advocacy work, Marketa co-founded and serves as the Co-Director of the Community Rising Project, an organization dedicated to supporting families who are directly impacted by the carceral system, advocating for an end to mass incarceration and the war on drugs, policies that she has seen fracture families and harm the youth.

Chris Grullon
CARES Staff

Chris

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coming soon

Previous Posts

The Stigma and Shame of Black Mental Health & Homelessness

May 2023 Post

Written by Marketa Edwards

Being a single mother is one of the hardest jobs in the world, and when you add in the additional struggles that come with poverty and homelessness, the burden can feel almost unbearable. For many single Black mothers, these struggles are a daily reality.
According to the National Low Income Housing Coalition, African American women are more likely than any other group to experience homelessness, and more than half of all homeless families in the United States are headed by single Black mothers. There are several reasons why this is the case, but these reasons all point to Post-Traumatic Slave Syndrome (PTSS). Black women are more likely to live in poverty, experience joblessness or underemployment, and lack access to affordable housing. While yet they are expected to be everything for their families and likely to be the breadwinners, which can put additional pressure on them to provide for their children while neglecting their own basic needs.
The trauma of homelessness can have many long-term effects on both the mother and her children. Homelessness can create physical and mental health problems, as well as social and emotional issues. Findings of the Service and Housing Interventions for Families in Transition (SHIFT) study found that homeless mothers are a highly traumatized and under-served group; 93% of participants had a history of trauma, with 81% having experienced multiple traumatic events.

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The burden of homelessness and single parenthood is not just an individual struggle; it is a societal problem. The lack of affordable housing and adequate support for low-income families perpetuates a cycle of generational harm, poverty, homelessness, and trauma that is difficult to break. Without the necessary resources, single Black mothers are left to navigate this system alone, often without the support they need to provide stable homes for their families.

It is important that we, as a society, recognize and support the struggles of single Black mothers who are currently homeless or facing homelessness. This includes providing safe and affordable housing options, as well as access to education and job training programs that can help them achieve stable employment. We must also continue to aggressively address the systemic issues that contribute to these challenges, such as racism, sexism, and economic inequality.

We all play a role in supporting single Black mothers fighting against homelessness. The question is what role will you choose to play? Being an observer will not ensure these families have the resources and support they need to thrive. We all deserve the love and happiness that come with having a home regardless of our race or socioeconomic status.

References

Homelessness and Racial Disparities

https://www.air.org/resource/report/service-and-housing-interventions-families-transition-shift-study-final-report

The Stigma and Shame of Black Mental Health & Homelessness

April 2023 Post

Written by Marketa Edwards

Black people with mental health conditions in America are often ignored, stigmatized, and even shamed. Black people have higher rates of homelessness and often suffer from the effects of post-traumatic slave syndrome (PTSS), a condition that affects the descendants of slaves.
Homelessness is a complex issue, and many factors can contribute to it, such as poverty, lack of affordable housing, and mental illness. The National Alliance to end homelessness have determined Black people are overrepresented in the homeless population, represented as almost 40% of the over 500,000 people homeless in America; this can only be credited to structural racism and discrimination. Segregation, redlining, and housing discrimination have all contributed to the lack of access to affordable housing for black people. And when coupled with the stigma and shame surrounding mental health, it becomes a cycle that is challenging to break.
Black people have also experienced significant trauma throughout history, resulting in the effects of PTSS. This condition is characterized by feelings of low self-esteem, anger, and hopelessness, which can lead to mental health issues, such as depression and anxiety. Many Black people are not even aware of this condition or how it can affect their mental health. It is, however, essential to recognize and address this issue to promote better mental health outcomes.

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The shame, stigma, and lack of awareness surrounding black people and their mental health can lead them to be reluctant to seek help, worsening the problem. Culturally sensitive mental health care is crucial to addressing this issue. Mental health professionals must recognize and understand the unique experiences of black people and provide them with the appropriate care, support and treatments required to address these issues adequately.

The Black community must also work to change the cultural norms surrounding mental health, educate one another about the effects of PTSS, and create a culture of open and accepting mental health support. It is crucial to reach out to organizations that work towards creating better access to mental health resources while simultaneously advocating for policies and laws that promote equal access to affordable housing.

Black people, mental health shame, homelessness, and post-traumatic slave syndrome are all interconnected, and it is essential to understand and address these issues. We must approach it from a healing perspective. By recognizing these challenges, promoting culturally sensitive care and advocating for policies that promote equitable access to resources, we can ultimately improve mental health outcomes and reduce the shame surrounding it for Black People, and FINALLY begin to HEAL. As I always say, “Healing in Our Vision”.

The Housing Crisis

March 2023 Post

Written by Liam Nugent

The many communities which CARES supports cover a large amount of New York State, spanning across diverse geographic areas and demographic compositions, each with their own unique housing challenges. However, despite their differences, homeless services providers from across the state seem to agree on one fact: most challenges facing the provision of homeless services stem directly from a dire lack of available affordable housing. CoC’s continue to make efforts to improve the homeless service system for their clients, but there is simply no substitute for housing. While waitlists continue to grow for housing subsidy programs, some with years-long wait times, there is little sign that the lack of housing will be alleviated any time soon. How did we get here, and what can be done? This month, we will explore what caused the current housing crisis, and how it affects homeless service provision.
The crisis we are experiencing today can be traced back 15 years ago to the crash of 2008. The first domino to fall was the cut made to interest rates by the Federal Reserve at the turn of the century. Home construction and sales began to skyrocket, and banks were increasingly lending mortgages that were likely to default, otherwise known as “subprime” mortgages. It was assumed that demand for housing would continue to grow, and that the housing market could never fail. As a result, home ownership increased at an unsustainable rate, meaning the economy’s historically most stable market became a ticking time-bomb. Finally, in early 2007, it all came crashing down.

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House prices plummeted by 28% compared to their 2006 peak, causing many mortgages to be worth more than the home they pay for. The shockwaves of the crash caused numerous other complicated, unforeseen situations. For example, many landlords defaulted on their loans during the crisis and had to foreclose on their rental properties. It was common for these landlords to not inform their renters of the foreclosure until they were forced to evict, in order to extract as much rent as possible. Many families found themselves homeless with almost no notice and no feasible options.[1] Other foreclosures sometimes resulted in the owner vacating the property once they were informed, without waiting for the foreclosure to be finalized. Occasionally, lenders did not follow through on the foreclosure and neglected to inform the homeowner, meaning these properties sat vacant and fell into disrepair. Not only did these decaying homes decrease property value of the surrounding neighborhoods and continue to rack up unaddressed bills for the previous owners, they were also one less home that could return to the market.[2] These so-called “zombie properties” represented 1.3% of all properties as of 2021, but the current crisis may cause that number to increase once again.[3] Such consequences hit both homeowners and renters alike in 2008. When the dust had settled, nearly 10 million Americans had lost their homes.[4]

Even as the government bailed out the big banks and the economy slowly crawled its way back, a disproportionate lack of new homes lingered for years following the crash and was never addressed.[5] Here we find the seeds of the current housing crisis: a deficit of homes quietly existed for years, waiting for the next large wave of housing demand.

This wave came in the form of the Covid-19 epidemic. Working from home quickly became a necessity, and Americans found themselves spending almost all their time indoors. The comfort of a larger space with a home office became a hot commodity; Millennials (the demographic most likely to be looking for their first home) were suddenly given a reason to buy homes en masse.[6] As demand rose once again, the lack of housing stock became apparent. The resulting increase in housing prices brought those unable to find an affordable home to the rental market. Rising rents and the general Covid recession threatened to cause mass evictions across the Country. As the Biden administration’s eviction moratorium extension expired in July 0f 2021, New York Governor Kathy Hochul passed a statewide extension through January of 2022 in order to further delay the impending crisis.[7] Since then, evictions have skyrocketed to roughly 160,000 active cases.[8]

At the end of this years-long causal chain, we are left with a bleak apartment rental landscape. Apartments that are available now have high rent, and new affordable housing stock has plummeted. The shortage affects renters with extremely low income the most, and rentals for this group dropped by 500,000 units between 2019 and 2021.[9] Extremely low-income renters are most likely to spend the highest percentage of their income on rent. Cost burden for extremely low-income renters in a given metropolitan area has a strong negative correlation with the percentage of the area’s HUD subsidized housing stock. The Southwest seems to have the lowest availability; an average of only 14 rental homes per 100 renter households are both affordable and available in cities like Las Vegas and Austin. In addition to the lack of available housing, 48% of all extremely low-income renters are either disabled or elderly—affecting their ability to work and necessitating supportive housing.[10]

Furthermore, the racial disparities that we observe in HMIS intake data are reflected in the demographics of extremely low-income renters. Black households, in particularly, account for 12% of all households, but 26% of extremely low-income renters.[11] While deregulation, low interest rates, and exploitative lending practices can be largely blamed for the current housing crisis overall, the racist housing policies of the 20th century are to blame for the disproportionate effects it has had on people of color. In fact, Black individuals are always likely to be the most heavily affected during recessions and economic crises; a systemic and generational deprival of economic opportunity has left the Black community with one of the highest percentages of extremely low-income renters out of all races at 34%. For comparison, only 21% of white renters are extremely low income.[12]

The largest obstacles in the way of addressing this crisis are, ironically, local taxpayers and voters. There have been efforts made by local governments to build housing by increasing tax credits to incentivize builders to create more low-income homes, but with little success. Homeowners object to new developments in fear that they will decrease property value,[13] however prejudice and racism is a significant unspoken motivator. Taxpayer pressure pushes many local municipalities to create highly restrictive zoning laws, which can make the cost of building and renovating greater than the profit of the sale for private developers, despite any tax credits. This phenomenon is often referred to as “NIMBYism”, which stands for “not in my backyard”.[14] With so many communities drawing this line, there are few “backyards” left in which to build housing.

One possible solution to stifle these efforts is the State taking back land use control from local governments. Constitutionally, land use is an enumerated State right, which has historically been delegated to municipalities. Flexing state power could be helpful in those states which— on the whole— care about fixing their housing crisis, but unfortunately many of the worst-affected states would likely not choose to do so.[15]

Our own New York State has made a move to address the crisis in its 2023 budget, but it was met with aggressive opposition. The budget includes a $25 billion, 5-year housing plan, calling calls for 800,000 affordable homes to be built or preserved, some including support services.[16] Governor Kathy Hochul has personally advocated for the inclusion of this funding, stating recently:

 

These comprehensive investments are vital to serving low- and moderate-income renters and homeowners, preserving and protecting our existing housing stock, investing in manufactured homes and parks across the state, and assisting those experiencing housing insecurity, and I thank the legislative leaders for their work in helping ensure these historic investments.[17]

 

As of the week of April 17th, the budget vote has been delayed for a fourth time in the State legislature.[18] Senators from suburban districts have stonewalled budget discussions in opposition to both the Housing Compact and bail law reform, bringing NIMBYism to the State level. It remains to be seen how the legislature will resolve their disagreements, and whether New York will be able to deliver on its housing promise.

In the meantime, Continuums of Care are left to continue providing services, and to work with what little housing is available. While we can only hope that these zoning laws will change and developers will be able to build once again, service provision still carries on.

 

 

References

[1] Gonzales, Richard, “Renters Face Rapid Evictions as Foreclosures Soar”, NPR, March 14, 2008, Renters Face Rapid Eviction As Foreclosures Soar : NPR

[2] Dehan, Andrew, “What Is a Zombie Foreclosure”, Rocket Mortgage, February 17, 2023, What Is A Zombie Foreclosure? | Rocket Mortgage

[3] Fahey, Ashley, “Zombie foreclosures not as widespread as 2008 crisis but could creep up soon”, The Business Journals, October 28, 2021, Zombie foreclosures not as widespread as 2008 crisis but could creep up soon – The Business Journals (bizjournals.com)

[4] Ney, Viktoria, “Many Americans Ended Up Homeless During the Real Estate Crisis 10 Years Ago- Here’s Where They Are Now’, Insider, August 7, 2018,  Here’s Where Those Who Lost Homes During the US Housing Crisis Are Now (businessinsider.com)

[5] Arnold, Chris, Robert Benincasa, Jacqueline GaNun, Haidee Chu, “There’s a Massive Housing Shortage Across the U.S. Here’s How Bad it is Where You Live”, NPR, July 14, 2022, Housing shortages are making homeownership unaffordable across the U.S. : NPR

[6] Janneke Ratcliffe, “How We Can Solve the Nation’s Affordable Housing Crisis”, CNN, February 16, 2022, Opinion: How we can solve the nation’s affordable housing crisis | CNN Business

[7] Fields, Samantha, “New York’s Eviction Moratorium Has Expired”, January 17, 2022, New York’s eviction moratorium has expired – Marketplace

[8] “NYS Eviction Crisis Monitor”, Right to Counsel NYC Coalition,  New York State Eviction Crisis Monitor (righttocounselnyc.org)

[9] “The Gap: A Shortage of Affordable Rental Homes”, National Low Income Housing Coalition, March, 2023, Gap-Report_2023 (4).pdf

[10] Ibid.

[11] Ibid.

[12] Ibid.

[13] Burns, Tobias, “Lawmakers Want to Expand Affordable Housing. Communities Say, ‘Not in My Backyard’”, The Hill, July 22, 2022, Lawmakers want to expand affordable housing. Communities say, ‘Not in my back yard’ | The Hill

[14]Ibid.

[15] Ghent, Andra, “The Affordable Housing Crisis in 2020: Where Do We Stand, and What are the Solutions?”, Kenand Institute of Private Enterprise, January 24, 2023,The Affordable Housing Crisis in 2023: Where Do We Stand, and What are the Solutions? – Frank Hawkins Kenan Institute of Private Enterprise (unc.edu)

[16] “Governon Hochul Announces Launch of Comprehensive $25 Billion Housing Plan in Historic FY 2023 Budget”, New York State, April 9, 2022 Governor Hochul Announces Launch of Comprehensive $25 Billion Housing Plan in Historic FY 2023 Budget | Governor Kathy Hochul (ny.gov)

[17] Ibid.

[18] DeWitt, Karen, “Hochul and Legislature to Enter a Fourth Week Without a State Budget”, WSHU, April 9, 2023, Hochul and Legislature to enter a fourth week without a state budget (wshu.org)

Intersectionality: Domestic Violence

January 2022 Post

Written by Liam Nugent

*Disclaimer: this blog was written from the perspective of a cis white man.

Our previous posts in the Intersectionality Series discussed how multiple different experiences of oppression can interact to create new social barriers. This month, we will be highlighting one such example of intersectionality: domestic violence and homelessness.
According to the Cold and Uncared For Society (CAUF), domestic violence is the leading cause of homelessness among women in the United States. When a woman becomes a survivor of domestic violence, she is often met with a series of difficult choices which can complicate her access to necessary services. The first choice a woman in this situation is confronted with is whether to leave her abuser. There are several factors which may compel a woman to stay, including the presence of children in the relationship. Those that do choose to flee often immediately become homeless, as the abusive partner statistically tends to represent the source of financial stability in the survivor’s life. Among cases of domestic violence, there is a high percentage of survivors that do not have access to a personal support network of friends and family that can house them. Shelters are the next best option; however, they present a number of challenges.
The survivor’s safety is of high priority when fleeing an abusive relationship; many abusers seek out the survivor to further harm, and often cause physical and emotional harm, and sometimes death, in response to their fleeing. Domestic violence shelters have a number of resources to support women fleeing abuse, including a confidential location to prevent the abuser tracking their whereabouts, emotional support from professional staff, resources for finding employment, safety planning, and advocacy for other needed services. These shelters typically house women for 1-2 months, but they may lack vacancy in some communities. The alternative to a Domestic violence specialized shelter is a general homeless shelter, which lack the services specialized for domestic violence survivors, especially location confidentiality. In these shelters, women are not only at risk of being found and assaulted by their abuser, but there may also be danger posed by those in the shelter with them. While homeless shelters are effective at addressing a woman’s housing concerns, they may struggle to address the immediate needs and dangers of fleeing an abusive situation.

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The subsidized options available to domestic abuse survivors after referral from a shelter include both transitional and supportive housing. Transitional housing provides short term housing for domestic violence survivors, typically 1 to 2 years, before they must vacate to make availability for another client. This kind of housing exists in a communal model, where an entire building or complex is dedicated to domestic violence transitional housing, or in a “scattered site” model, where clients are placed into specifically designated units from different sites. While transitional housing is typically successful for short term support, clients must find another housing option within their window. Permanent housing uses the Housing Voucher Program, in which a portion of the woman’s rent is paid, and her stay is indefinite so long as she continues to pay her portion. While this may be a better option for continued subsidy and stability, the wait times to receive a voucher can be years long, and even then, the recipient will often not find housing that accepts the voucher.

To provide additional support to survivors, Congress passed the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) in 1994. The Act ensured that a woman cannot be denied assistance or admission to a HUD subsidized or assisted unit or program because she has experienced domestic or dating violence, prevents evictions for women because of domestic violence incidents, and gives survivors the right to strict confidentiality. Anyone who has previously experienced domestic violence, sexual assault, dating violence, or stalking is covered under VAWA; regardless of sex, gender identity or sexual orientation.[2] VAWA has awarded $8 billion in grants to 19 different grant programs since it was passed in 1994. The house approved a renewed and expanded VAWA bill in 2021, which includes $40 million for culturally specific services, included providing services on tribal lands, but the senate has yet to schedule a vote on the bill.[3]

While experiencing the uncertain process of applying for housing and services, domestic violence survivors also likely carry the burden of emotional distress and trauma inflicted by the abusive situation. The CAUF Society reports that 38% of women face homelessness after leaving a partner, and for many, fleeing will be their first encounter with homelessness.[4] Yet another layer of distress is added when children are involved in this process. Other identities can be predictors of high rates of domestic violence, especially the LGBTQ+ community. Domestic violence is experienced at higher rates by members of the LGBTQ+ at equal or higher rates than heterosexual individuals. The National Center for Disease Prevention reports that 44% of lesbian women, 61% of bisexual women, 26% of gay men, and 37% of bisexual men have experienced violence or stalking by an intimate partner in their life, all higher than their heterosexual counterparts.[5]

Each of these layers make for a potent example of intersectionality. While being a survivor of domestic violence or being homeless don’t necessarily represent identities, which are integral to the original definition of the term “intersectionality”, their combination creates the same effect. The experience of becoming homeless as a domestic violence survivor causes hardships related to both experiences. The trauma and hardship that arises from this particular situation is unique and must be treated as such to be addressed effectively. Yet, this does not mean that the identities which Kimberlé Crenshaw used as the original examples for intersectionality cannot also be tracked onto the homeless survivor of domestic violence. When this individual is a Black woman, for example, all the experiences that Crenshaw described when she first coined the term are added to the hardships described above.

As we continue to add to the Intersectionality Series, we wish to center each discussion on the necessity of acknowledging the existence and variety of each intersection. The homeless service system serves a large number of different marginalized groups, each with a different experience in the system which must be addressed with dignity.

References

[1] Mahwish Moiz, “Domestic Violence and Homelessness,” Cauf Society, December 7th, 2022, Domestic Violence and Homelessness – facts, statistics, and more (caufsociety.com)

[2] Charlene K. Baker, Kris A. Billhardt, Joseph Warren, Chiquita Rollins, Nancy E. Glass, “Domestic violence, housing instability, and homelessness: A review of housing policies and program practices for meeting the needs of survivors,” Aggression and Violent Behavior, Volume 15, Issue 6, 2010, Pages 430-439, ISSN 1359-1789, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.avb.2010.07.005.

[3] Ibid.

[4] Ibid.

[5] Ibid.

[6] U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, “Violence Against Women Act (VAWA)”, https://www.hud.gov/VAWA

[7] Amanda Kippert, “What Is The Violence Against Women Act?”, Domestic Shelter, November 15th, 2021, https://www.domesticshelters.org/articles/ending-domestic-violence/what-is-the-violence-against-women-act

[8] Mahwish Moiz, “Domestic Violence and Homelessness,” Cauf Society, December 7th, 2022, Domestic Violence and Homelessness – facts, statistics, and more (caufsociety.com)

[9] National Center for Injury Prevention and Control, Division of Violence Prevention, The National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey, October 11, 2022, https://www.cdc.gov/violenceprevention/datasources/nisvs/summaryreports.html#anchor_1535031475856

Critical Race Theory

December 2022 Post

Critical Race Theory and the Homeless Service System

Written by Liam Nugent

According to our service provider intake data, HMIS, Black people are overrepresented in the homeless population compared to the general population in nearly every CoC that CARES works with, and nationwide. The Regional Racial Justice Advisory Committee (RRJAC) was created in response to this fact, with the hopes of using intracommunity collaboration to increase racial equity in homeless services throughout the state. As is evident, data collection is crucial to understanding and addressing the realities of homelessness in real time. However, there is a larger story that the data does not tell us; the racial disparities in housing and homelessness are but one symptom of a sprawling, centuries old system of oppression that touches every aspect of society.
A systemic issue of such a wide scope requires a critical lens to be analyzed effectively. In the 1980s graduate students from Harvard University coined the term Critical Race Theory to provide this analysis via the legal system. Since its inception, the theory has grown from its roots on the college campus to become a household term and a subject of intense political controversy. Much of the current discourse surrounding the theory involves misinformation which distracts from the importance of CRT’s contributions. As the clout of the theory has increased, so too has the breadth of subjects it analyzes, beyond just the legal system. The RRJAC itself uses a lens similar to CRT as it works towards increasing racial equity (in the homeless response system). Today’s post will discuss the origins of CRT, the actual tenets of the theory, and its relevance to the work of CARES, the RRJAC, and localized work of our CoC’s in NYS.
Critical Race Theory has its academic roots in an earlier discipline called Critical Legal Studies. In the wake of the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s, a group of legal scholars and law school activists began to question the conventional assumption that white hegemony is objectively just in the legal system. Standardized education in the United States typically describes the law and the courts as agents of a greater truth, instead of systems filled with human biases and agendas. The founders of Critical Legal Studies analyzed our legal system to show that our laws are upheld in a way that benefits the powerful and maintains oppression, perpetuating a socioeconomic hierarchy. Core beliefs among critical theorists include exposing how legal doctrines can be interpreted based on the desired result and how the complication of the legal system makes it difficult for laypersons to understand Critical Legal Studies can be thought of as the first meaningful critique of our legal system by scholars, but it is important to note that the theory did not specifically center racism in its critique.

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A systemic issue of such a wide scope requires a critical lens to be analyzed effectively. In the 1980s graduate students from Harvard University coined the term Critical Race Theory to provide this analysis via the legal system. Since its inception, the theory has grown from its roots on the college campus to become a household term and a subject of intense political controversy. Much of the current discourse surrounding the theory involves misinformation which distracts from the importance of CRT’s contributions. As the clout of the theory has increased, so too has the breadth of subjects it analyzes, beyond just the legal system. The RRJAC itself uses a lens similar to CRT as it works towards increasing racial equity (in the homeless response system). Today’s post will discuss the origins of CRT, the actual tenets of the theory, and its relevance to the work of CARES, the RRJAC, and localized work of our CoC’s in NYS.
Critical Race Theory has its academic roots in an earlier discipline called Critical Legal Studies. In the wake of the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s, a group of legal scholars and law school activists began to question the conventional assumption that white hegemony is objectively just in the legal system. Standardized education in the United States typically describes the law and the courts as agents of a greater truth, instead of systems filled with human biases and agendas. The founders of Critical Legal Studies analyzed our legal system to show that our laws are upheld in a way that benefits the powerful and maintains oppression, perpetuating a socioeconomic hierarchy. Core beliefs among critical theorists include exposing how legal doctrines can be interpreted based on the desired result and how the complication of the legal system makes it difficult for laypersons to understand Critical Legal Studies can be thought of as the first meaningful critique of our legal system by scholars, but it is important to note that the theory did not specifically center racism in its critique.

In the late 1980s, scholars sought to expand upon Critical Legal Studies to address the lack of a radical racial focus. Derrick Bell, then a law professor at Harvard University, was one of several legal scholars who created Critical Race Theory (CRT) as a response to Critical Legal Studies. The primary tenet of CRT states that racism is not rare or anomalous, but a major function of society. Furthermore, CRT holds that a white, elite class of lawmakers and wealthy businessmen intentionally embedded racism into our institutions systematically over the decades following emancipation in order to maintain a racial hierarchy. Over a century later, t is so commonplace that the white population is raised to be blind to all but the most extreme manifestations of racism. The white insistence of their own “color-blindness”, or the supposed ignoring of race in social contexts, serves to push the acknowledgment of racism further from the collective white consciousness. An intended result of colorblind thinking often makes white individuals uncomfortable to discuss the systemic nature of racism because they believe the more violent and visible forms of racism appear to be waning over time.

While many of the tenets of the theory are considered a collective canon, Derrick Bell is specifically credited for the “interest-convergence” thesis. Bell argued that any instance of a Civil Rights success, particularly the Brown v. Board of Education case, only occurs because it happens to be in the best interest of the white elite. He argues that the Cold War motivated the United States to improve its image in the international community by becoming more tolerant towards its racial minorities. This idea is representative of a fundamental divide within the CRT community; scholars have largely separated themselves into sects of “idealists” and “realists”. Bell and his interest-convergence theory represents the quintessential realist: a CRT scholar that believes that the condition of Black people in the country will only via an overall improvement in socioeconomic status for Black people.. Combatting things like housing inequities and the prison-industrial complex are of top priority for the realist. Conversely, idealists hold that racism is a product of discourse and can be fought by educating the public and changing racist thinking. The Idealist group also emphasize the “social construction” thesis, the belief that our idea of race in the United States is entirely fabricated. While ethnicities are represented in minute genetic differences, race as we know it has no scientific backing. “Black” and “white” each contain a multitude of different ethnic backgrounds which have been reduced by the latter to make for simpler social castes.

CRT scholars also recognize the “voice-of-color” thesis, which states that people of color are uniquely qualified to communicate the experience of being racially oppressed. This is perhaps the clearest example of why Critical Race Theory should be a consideration in all of the work that CARES and CoC’s do on a daily basis. The Regional Racial Justice Advisory Committee has recommended that each CoC establish a Person’s with Lived Experience Committee which reflects the BIPOC communities most impacted in the homeless system, and guides the CoC towards policies and practices which will be the most  beneficial for the populations they serve. This idea draws on the same principle as the voice-of-color thesis. Lived experience is, in and of itself, a qualification that cannot be emulated or replaced, whether the experience is racism or homelessness.

As discussed at the top of today’s post, disparities in the homeless population have been caused by systemic racism. To combat those disparities, their true cause must be understood and acknowledged. Critical Race Theory provides a racial lens that can be applied to all systems and institutions, including housing.

References

Critical Legal Theory

You Are Welcome Here – Critical Legal Studies – Research Guides at Harvard Library

1982, symposium held at Stanford, where many of the foundational texts of the movement were first shown.

http://id.lib.harvard.edu/alma/990025055490203941/catalog

https://hollis.harvard.edu/primo-explore/fulldisplay?docid=TN_wosA1995TP83400004&context=PC&vid=HVD2&search_scope=everything&tab=everything&lang=en_US

https://heinonline.org/HOL/P?h=hein.journals/ylr94&i=479

 

The Bridge: Critical Theory: CLS Movement (harvard.edu)

 

https://www.americanbar.org/groups/crsj/publications/human_rights_magazine_home/civil-rights-reimagining-policing/a-lesson-on-critical-race-theory/

 

  • Movement began in 1977 amidst the progressive movement
  • Founders were students during the civil rights movement
  • Contradicted that American law is objective and inherently just

Critical Legal Studies | Jurisprudence – Law Legum

Critical Legal Studies: An Overview [Law Notes] (mylawman.co.in)

 

Critical Race Theory

A Lesson on Critical Race Theory (americanbar.org)

  • Race is socially constructed
  • Racism is norm in structure
  • Racism is codified in law
  • Relevance to everyday life

What Is Critical Race Theory? A Brief History Explained – The New York Times (nytimes.com)

  • Crenshaw
  • Not a single world view
  • Started when Derrick Bell left Harvard Law
  • Students began protesting University’s lack of diversity
  • Sought to expand CLS- created workshop in 1989

Critical Race Theory, Fourth Edition: An Introduction – Richard Delgado, Jean Stefancic – Google Books

Intersectionality: Race and Gender

November 2022 Post

Black Women and Intersectionality

Written by Liam Nugent

*Disclaimer: this post was written from the perspective of a cis white man.

In our first intersectionality post, we discussed the origin of intersectionality and the term’s application. This month, we will use the intersectionality lens to analyze the experience of Black women with racism. Scholar and activist Kimberlé Crenshaw focused solely on this demographic when she coined “intersectionality” in 1987. It seems natural to follow in Crenshaw’s footsteps by entering the discussion where she did 33 years ago in her article “Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex”.
As mentioned in the previous post, Crenshaw’s Intersectionality was first explored through court cases that involved the targeted racial discrimination of Black women. The first example she cites is the court case DeGraffenreid v. General Motors, in which five Black women sued the company for firing them all as part of a seniority-based layoff after the company had failed to hire any Black women previously in its history. They argued that the loss of their jobs was a result of the company’s discriminatory hiring practices. The court sided with General Motors, stating that the plaintiff failed to prove that being both Black and a woman constituted a separate protected class. In Moore v. Hughes Helicopter, the defendant claimed that she was passed over for promotions because she was a Black woman, and provided statistical data to prove the promotion disparities in the company. The court’s opinion stated that Moore’s claim that she experienced discrimination specifically as a Black woman barred her from discrimination as a woman in general. In both examples, Crenshaw finds that the courts view Black womanhood as less deserving of protection than Blackness and womanhood separately. She believes their opinions may even carry the implication that Black womanhood is not true womanhood at all. Starting from this legal perspective provides an evidence-based foundation to discuss the larger social forces at play.

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According to Crenshaw, she first wrote about intersectionality as a response to white feminism. She describes how, through much of the 20th century, the feminist movement was lead and for white women exclusively. In the first wave of feminism in the 1910’s, when women began fighting for the right to vote, Black women were denied entry into meetings, and racial disparities among women were not acknowledged. While the birth of feminism was revolutionary and has since grown well-beyond its original form, this first wave was closely aligned to the existing white male hegemony that the movement was meant to be fighting against. Crenshaw states in her article
“The value of feminist theory to Black women is diminished because it evolves from a white racial context that is seldom acknowledged. Not only are women of color in fact overlooked, but their exclusion is reinforced when white women speak for and as women.”
The white women of early feminism claimed the same false “objectivity” as the male counterparts, choosing to narrow the definition of womanhood to just their own. Crenshaw argues that, without consideration for the intersection of race and gender, white feminism failed to analyze the experience of all women.
To further illustrate this point, Crenshaw describes the irony of the white feminist movement adopting the poem “Aint I a Woman”, recited by Sojourner Truth in 1865 at a Woman’s Rights Conference in Ohio. The poem describes the horror that slavery was for Black women and challenged the notion that women are the “weaker” sex. Truth recounted that the white participants of the event urged her to not speak, afraid that her presence threatened to redirect the discussion toward racial discrimination. Yet again, the intersection of Black womanhood was treated as a lesser form of womanhood, while simultaneously being denied its existence as a separate experience.

Sojourner Truth’s bravery was further captured by another prominent Black feminist author, Bell Hooks, in her book “Aint I a Woman: Black Women and Feminism”, published in 1981. Hooks provides an account of the Black female experience, from the arrival of the first African slaves on colonial shores, to the modern struggle to expand the inclusion of feminism. The placement of Black women at the bottom of the slavery hierarchy, perpetuated by men and women alike, persisted into post-slavery society. As Crenshaw wrote, even as the Civil Rights movement grew across the County, Black women were continually denied the dignity of their male counterparts. While racism, both institutional and interpersonal, was finally called out and resisted, patriarchy was not shaken. For Hooks, in a society that idealizes whiteness and values manhood, Black women are left with an experience that is more oppressive than the sum of its parts.
Hooks punctuates her account of Black womanhood by spotlighting prominent Black, female activists that advocated for diversity in the feminist movement. Women like Mary Church Terrell, the head of the National Association for Colored Women and a founding member of the NAACP, and Josephine St. Pierre Ruffin, an advocate from the First National Conference for Colored People in 1895, were leaders in creating spaces for Black women to speak and connect with each other, while also uniting with the rest of the feminist movement. Sadly, Bell Hooks passed in December of last year, but her legacy as a writer and activist looms large.
In the next installment in the series, we will discuss a horrific reality of intersectionality: domestic violence. Roughly half of all women experience homelessness report that domestic violence was the immediate cause. In the meantime, please join us next month for another post.

1. Kimberlé Crenshaw, “Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory and Antiracist Politics”, University of Chicago Legal Forum: Vol. 1989: Iss. 1, Article 8: 139-167.
2. Ibid.
3. Ibid.
4. Ibid.
5. Ibid.
6. Bell Hooks, Aint I a Woman: Black Women and Feminism (South End Press, 1981).
7. Crenshaw, “Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex”, 139-167.
8. Hooks, Aint I a Woman, 16

Local History: contributing to and addressing homelessness

September 2022 Post

Local Historical Context: Albany

Written by Liam Nugent

The fight against homelessness is also a fight against discrimination and structural racism. In order to properly address homelessness, its historical context must be acknowledged. The disproportionate representation of Black and brown individuals experiencing homelessness did not happen in a vacuum; racist policies by all levels of government and banking practices worked in tandem to funnel people of color into low-income communities over time. Homelessness across New York state reflects this trend, and the disparity has persisted for decades. Albany represents an unfortunately clear example of a highly segregated northern city. From the civil war to the present day, this week we will be examining our capital city’s path towards Black people disproportionately experiencing homelessness.
Following the Civil War, Black individuals and families who had recently escaped slavery sought to escape the hostile treatment of the South. The end of the war brought the Reconstruction period, which resulted in the passage of racist laws referred to as Jim Crow. After decades of oppression and racial violence, northern states seemed to be a better alternative. Beginning in the 1910’s, in what is now known as the Great Migration, large populations flooded into northern cities in the hope of finding better living conditions. Albany, New York was one such destination for many Black Americans. The influx of people caused the city to grow exponentially, and many filled into the row houses along the riverbank. However, this pattern coincided with a shift in thinking by real estate professionals and bankers. The presence of people of color in neighborhoods was viewed by these wealthy, white professionals as a symptom of urban decline, causing a refusal to give mortgages and housing loans to those communities[1]. Conditions were only made worse by the Great Depression, when banks became more conservative with their lending. The Great Depression Era also saw the implementation of the New Deal policies. While the New Deal was successful at increasing homeownership among white families, Black families were excluded from helpful programs, ensuring a perpetual disparity in generational wealth. This practice is now commonly referred to as “redlining” due to the color coding of housing maps used by banks and realters in the depression era. The red lined areas of cities created areas of generational poverty that have lasted through to the current day[2].

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Throughout the twentieth century, large construction projects took place in Albany which only exacerbated the poverty of Black communities caused by lending practices. In the mid 1960’s, both the Empire State Plaza and i-787 were built, leaving thousands displaced and crippling the inner city. The Empire State Plaza was built in one of Albany’s oldest and most culturally rich neighborhoods. The megalithic project gutted the center of the city and destroyed its walkability. Homes were bulldozed to make way for the concreate slab that is now the Empire State Plaza, and their occupants were bought out. The status of many of the individuals that were displaced has never been confirmed. In many ways, downtown became the neighborhood that disappeared.[1] Meanwhile, the predominantly Black neighborhood by the waterfront was cut off completely from water access by the new highway with its towering, unsightly overpasses. This condemned the area to retain perpetually low property value. As a result, little affordable housing is left, and what does exist receives almost no investment. The south-end even suffers from localized health hazards from its surrounding infrastructure.

For example, in 2016, thousands gathered in Albany to protest the environmental racism that the south-end has experienced for decades. This protest was one of many across the northeast which fought to ban so-called “bomb trains” from traveling through dense metropolitan areas. These instances added to the south-end’s preexisting train problems, as trains containing toxic gasses and chemicals have caused a significant decrease in health in the area.[2] The chemicals have been known to affect those with asthma and respiratory issues.

The generational effects of these poor conditions is already in plain view. In a study conducted by the Institute for Child, Youth and Family Policy with Brandeis University, the level of opportunity for children by race was measured against the overall opportunity in a list of cities. The data reflected a universal disparity between the opportunities for white children and Black and Latine children. The study measured median household income, home ownership rate, neighborhood poverty rate, employment rate, building vacancy rate, proximity to healthy food, and other factors. Albany has one of the largest disparities out of all that were studied, with a score of 84 out of 100 for white children, and 15 for Black children. Arbor Hill, the neighborhood with the largest black population in the city, received a local score of 1.  Data showed that the neighborhood has a poverty rate of 43%.[3] Yet, any local in the capital region will know that many suburban neighborhoods, especially north of the city, are concentrations of staggering wealth. Overwhelmingly white neighborhoods like Dutch Meadows and East Hills consist of large expanses of multi-million dollar homes. The systems built in Albany in the 60’s are clearly working as intended: wealthy white suburbanites commute in and out of the Empire State Plaza, a large hub of jobs, while people of color are left with no investment or opportunity.

Fortunately, there are efforts to reimagine the waterfront and remove I-787 from the downtown area. The Albany Riverfront Collaborative is a group of stakeholders within Albany that have developed a vision for a reconstructed riverfront. The plan would lower the highway to the ground to become a street, insert acres of park space in the freed area, and allow for new buildings to bring residents back to the water. The drastic reimagining of the waterfront will likely have a positive effect on the city overall. Opening waterfront access to preexisting downtown neighborhoods will improve property value and the creation of green space will be beneficial for residents’ health.  However, even projects as promising as the Riverfront Collaborative must be met with some healthy skepticism. Many “revitalization” efforts in suffering cities like Albany result in further gentrification. Projects often cause rent to increase for low-income residents, driving people of color out of their homes and apartments. The Riverfront Collaborative claims that they seek to create systemic change and avoid exacerbating some issues in order to address others. It remains to be seen if this effort will become a reality, and what it will mean for communities of color.

There is much work to be done in Albany and cities across the country in order to address the previous century’s racist urban planning. In the meantime, we can demand that future redesign projects will help, not hurt, our marginalized communities.

 

[1]  Jennifer A. Lemark, Albany, New York and the Great Migration

[2] Robert Meiksins and Steve Dubb, How the New Deal Hardened Racial Wealth and Homeownership Inequities

[3] Mary Paley, “The Neighborhood that Disappeared”

[4] Green Peace, Thousands Protest ‘Bomb Trains’ and Environmental Racism in Albany, New York

[5] Pam Fessler, “In Nearly Every U.S. Metro Area, New Data Show Opportunity Lags For Kids Of Color”

[6] Albany Riverfront Collaborative

Intersectionality: Race and Gender

August 2022 Post

Written by Liam Nugent

Kimberlé Crenshaw

It is a fact that Black people are overrepresented in the homeless population throughout the country, however race is not the only identity that can affect whether one experiences homelessness. That is why the Regional Racial Justice Advisory Committee has chosen to highlight Intersectionality in a multi-part series beginning this month. Intersectionality is nuanced and varied, meaning more than one post is necessary to capture its breadth. Today, we will discuss what Intersectionality is its role in homelessness.

The word itself is defined as “the complex, cumulative way in which the effects of multiple forms of discrimination (such as racism, sexism, and classism) combine, overlap, or intersect especially in the experiences of marginalized individuals or groups.”[1] While we might think of racism and sexism, for example, as entirely separate experiences, they become something new when they are both experienced at once.

The person to coin the term was Kimberlé Crenshaw, a lawyer, scholar, and activist who now teaches at Columbia law school. Crenshaw first published the word “intersectionality” in a 1989 article titled “Demarginalizing the Intersection Between Race and Sex.”[2]

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The article describes how the law erases the experience of Black women by addressing their race and sex, but never how both interact. She provides evidence using a series of court cases which present a narrow view of discrimination. Intersectionality is a fundamental concept within the larger study of Critical Race Theory, another academic term which has recently risen to mainstream popularity. In short, Critical Race Theory is the study of how the American legal system is designed to disadvantage people of color. Crenshaw knew it was necessary to expand the ideas of CRT to include sex, gender expression, and sexual orientation, as the legal system’s discrimination affects more than just race.

The principles of intersectionality can be observed outside of the legal system, as well. Black women, and those in the LGBTQ community, are marginalized for their intersecting identities in all aspects of life. Housing and homeless services are examples of this fact. It is essential to address intersectionality in homelessness because our identities often affect the kind of care we receive.

[1] Intersectionality Definition & Meaning – Merriam-Webster

[2] Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory and Antiracist Politics (uchicago.edu)

Honoring Pride Month 2021

June 2021 Post

Written by Allyson Ryan

Marsha P. Johnson and Sylvia Rivera

Some of the highest rates of homelessness are represented in Black youth that identify as LGBTQ+, and Black transgender individuals experiencing homelessness are more likely to face discrimination and hate crimes than their White counterparts. In recognition of June as Pride Month, CARES is calling attention to racial justice and homelessness activists Marsha P. Johnson and Sylvia Rivera. Johnson and Rivera were at the forefront of LGTBQ+ liberation in the 1960s and 1970s as “self-identified homosexuals and transvestites” and understood how the intersectionality of race, sexual orientation, and gender identity affected those experiencing homelessness. As drag queens of color, Johnson and Rivera knew firsthand the intersection of race, gender, and homelessness. Even in the midst of experiencing homelessness and racial and gender discrimination themselves, Johnson and Rivera were advocates for and aided gender nonconforming and trans street youths.  

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Marsha P. Johnson and Sylvia Rivera imagined a space where gender nonconforming and trans homeless youths had access to shelter, food, and clothes and were safe to express their gender identity and sexual orientation. With this vision, they founded Street Transvestite Action Revolutionaries (STAR), later Street Transgender Action Revolutionaries, and The STAR House. STAR was a collective of radical LGTBQ+ individuals, most of which were ostracized by the mainstream Gay Liberation Movement, that started discussions around the intersection of gender self-determination and homeless trans people of color that did sex work to survive. From STAR came The STAR House, an apartment building in Manhattan’s East Village that Johnson and Rivera turned into a shelter and home for gender nonconforming and trans homeless youth. To afford rent and provide for the residents of The STAR House, Johnson and Rivera did what they could as sex workers. Rivera said of their time running The STAR House, “We fed people and clothed people. We kept the building going. We went out and hustled the streets. We paid the rent. We didn’t want the kids out in the streets hustling…There was always food in the house and everyone had fun.” As the first LGBTQ+ youth shelter in North America, The STAR House attracted homeless youth looking for a safe home from across the country.  

After eight months in The STAR House, Rivera and Johnson were evicted, but their advocacy and support for homeless gender nonconforming and trans youth in the 1960s and 1970s stands out as an example today to protect gender nonconforming and trans people experiencing homelessness. The Trans Housing Coalition follows the legacy of Johnson and Rivera and The STAR House. Formed after launching a successful GoFundMe page to house Black trans women in Atlanta, The Trans Housing Coalition has the goal of securing housing for trans people in Atlanta, particularly for Black trans women. Efforts like The STAR House in the twentieth century to The Trans Housing Coalition today, reflect the need to address homelessness among the LGBTQ+ community, especially for gender nonconforming and trans people of color.  

Honoring Women's History Month 2021

March 2021 Post

Written by Allyson Ryan

Mom 4 Housing

In honor of Women’s History Month, CARES is highlighting Moms 4 Housing, a group of Black mothers from Oakland, California that advocate for safe, affordable housing for all mothers and their children. The four moms, Dominique Walker, Misty Cross, Carroll Fiffe, and Tolani King, effectively brought national attention to the issues surrounding affordable housing and homelessness in California’s Bay Area.

Media outlets across the country have drawn attention to the extreme housing crisis present in the Bay Area. Oakland is not exempt from that crisis, with a higher homeless rate than San Francisco. Black Oakland residents experience homelessness at a higher rate than their White counterparts due to social issues such as gentrification and housing speculation by big real estate corporations present in the Bay Area. Housing speculation has become an issue that directly correlates to high housing costs in Oakland and makes it difficult for community residents to purchase their homes or find affordable leases. Housing speculation in Oakland consists of big real estate corporations purchasing homes at a very low cost, often after the previous owners’ foreclosure. The real estate corporations then wait to sell the homes to make a larger profit as housing costs rise. In California, housing speculation is a common practice that favors investments for corporate entities at the cost of resident investment and community ownership.

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At the beginning of their movement, Moms 4 Housing noted there are four vacant homes in Oakland for everyone one person experiencing homelessness. With this in mind, the group of mothers entered and occupied a home that had been vacant for two years located on Magnolia Street in Oakland and called it “Mom’s House.” The house was owned by a major real estate corporation titled Wedgewood that intended to flip the home for a higher price than their original purchase at a foreclosure auction. The Moms saw the reclamation of the house on Magnolia Street as a way battle the speculation and gentrification caused by corporate ownership of family homes. The Moms wanted to draw attention to all the corporations purchasing family homes while Oakland residents struggled to find safe, affordable shelter. For two months, the mothers and their children lived in the house on Magnolia Street while repairing damages to the home, fitting it with home amenities, and paying the electricity bills. The mothers received support from neighbors and the community as they claimed a right to stay in the home owned by Wedgewood, a corporation. They argued, “No one should be homeless when homes are sitting empty. Housing is a human right. The Moms for Housing are uniting mothers, neighbors and friends to reclaim housing for the Oakland community from the big banks and real estate speculators.”

After two months, a forced eviction on behalf of Wedgewood, and national media attention, the mothers negotiated for the house to be sold to the Oakland Community Land Trust. As an organization that strives for resident-owned communities, Oakland Community Land Trust acquires homes from big banks and real estate speculators, like Wedgewood, to sell back or lease to community members at a low, affordable cost. Through direct action organizing, the Moms brought nationwide attention to corporate-owned family homes and inspired other activists to fight for the right to housing in their own communities.

February 2021 Post

Written by Allyson Ryan

Marc Dones

This week, CARES is highlighting an activist, social entrepreneur, and policy analyst whose work within the homeless response system has led many Continuums of Care bring equity and racial justice into their work. With over ten years of experience and as the Executive Director of the National Innovation Service, Marc Dones identifies and examines how to build equitable systems change. In their work, Dones looks at ways in which systems can be reevaluated and redesigned to produce equitable and just solutions. Additionally, they stress the importance of centering the voices and expertise of those closest to the problem. Through Supporting Partnerships for Anti-Racist Communities (SPARC), Dones effectively led a team that analyzed the systemic racism that is present within the homeless response system.

SPARC is a groundbreaking initiative from the Center for Social Innovation and produced the first report that used quantitative and qualitative data to identify how structural racism and homelessness are connected. This report included the voices of BIPOC with lived experience through interviews and focus groups. SPARC was launched in 2016 as a response to the fact that Black and African Americans are 13% of the U.S. Census population but represent 40% of the homeless population in HMIS. The initiative focused on identifying factors that caused the overrepresentation and experiences within the homeless system. Dones and the SPARC team focused on gathering the expertise and listening to BIPOC experiencing homelessness and identified major factors that contribute to inequities within the homeless system. Paired together, the quantitative and qualitative data enabled Dones to provide systems change and policy recommendations for Continuums across the country.

Marc Dones emphasizes that “only by engaging with the people who are most impacted are we able to really root what we’re saying in the reality and a context that allows people to be maximally responsive.” As their work shows, the answer to ending and preventing homelessness is collaboration from all levels of the system. Their work reflects the effectiveness of bringing those with lived expertise into the conversation and ensuring that all voices are heard. Centering the voices of BIPOC with lived experience allows for accountability to policies and practices and establishes a method of evaluating our systems for equitable results.

February 2021 Post

Written by Allyson Ryan

Dorothy Mae Richardson

An effective solution to ending homelessness is ensuring affordable housing for all. This week, Dorothy Mae Richardson is being spotlighted for her work in advocating for access to safe and affordable housing in her neighborhood in the Central North Side of Pittsburgh. By committing to the promotion of community owned homes, Richardson effectively prevented homelessness for countless individuals in her neighborhood. Her legacy reminds of us of the importance of providing access to affordable housing in our communities as a means to preventing homelessness.

Community activist Dorothy Mae Richardson understood the effects of federally funded urban renewal projects on low-income and Black communities across the country in 1960s America. In the name of “revitalization,” the US government effectively tore down neighborhoods and displaced hundreds of thousands of families. Through helping a blind couple try to find safe, adequate, and affordable housing in her own neighborhood of Pittsburgh’s Central North Side, Richardson saw how difficult it was for African Americans to access adequate housing. Richardson was also aware of city plans to bulldoze her neighborhood to start an urban renewal project. These factors prompted Richardson to organize community driven efforts towards providing safer, healthier, and affordable housing options in her neighborhood.

Dorothy Mae Richardson believed, “The solution wasn’t to tear down the whole neighborhood. The solution was to fix the houses.” Richardson wanted to empower residents with the chance to have ownership over their homes and their communities. With other community members, Richardson founded Citizens Against Slum Housing (CASH) with the mission to hold the landlords and the city accountable for the maintenance of homes in Pittsburgh’s low to moderate income neighborhoods. As CASH grew, Richardson managed to recruit local financial institutions in a time where banks rarely worked with Black Americans. Richardson raised over $750,000 in grants, allowing CASH to provide resources for community members to buy and maintain their own homes. Through CASH, Richardson was able to make community investment and development a resident-led, neighborhood effort.

Dorothy Mae Richardson started a movement that would inspire community organizers across the country and influence federal action, such as the Community Reinvestment Act of 1977 and the establishment of the Neighborhood Reinvestment Corporation in 1978. The Community Reinvestment Act was enacted to push back against racist and classist federal housing practices, such as redlining, that had been in place since the New Deal in the 1930s. With the Community Reinvestment Act, lenders were encouraged to invest and lend in low – moderate income communities. The Neighborhood Reinvest Corporation, now known as NeighborWorks America, was formed to provide support and development for community-based revitalization. Through her belief in community ownership, Richardson created a legacy that would continue in housing and community activists today.

Honoring Black History Month 2021

February 11, 2021 Post

Written by Allyson Ryan

The legacy of Dr. Woodson

In this same spirit of racial equity initiatives, CARES recognizes the importance of Black History Month.  Black History Month originated from the ideas and dedication of Black scholar, Dr. Carter G. Woodson to educate the American people about the history of African Americans, specifically the highlights of success in the Black community. Woodson started by founding the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History now known as the Association for the Study of African American Life and History, and by developing the first “Negro Achievement Week” in the 1920s. Woodson stated, “We are going back to that beautiful history and it’s going to inspire us to greater achievements.” “Negro History Week” grew into Black History Month by the 1960s in schools and on college campuses and was nationally recognized by the 1970s.

To honor the legacy of Dr. Woodson and celebrate Black History Month, CARES is starting a series of blog posts that reflects our dedication to racial justice and equity initiatives. During the month of February, the blog posts will focus on identifying and recognizing Black leaders and activists that have advocated and fought for racially just housing practices through weekly blog posts. After this month, the blog posts and page will continue to be a resource for all communities, agencies, and individuals that CARES partners with.